Kogi BBQ

While food trucks have been present in the US since the early 20th century, their recent post-recessionary resurgence has made an enormous splash in the gourmet food industry (Lempert 2010). An iconic player in this food revolution is Kogi BBQ. Established in 2008, Kogi prepares and sells Korean/Mexican fusion tacos on the streets of Los Angeles.

Patrons of Kogi BBQ in Abbot Kinney, Venice

At first glance Kogi BBQ appears to capture everything quintessential of Los Angeles: mobility, the boosting and consuming of food culture, and the coming together of different ethnic groups. While also being a delicious combination, the fusion of these two ethnicities is of particular significance in Los Angeles. With Latino workers making up more than half of the employees of Korean-owned businesses in the city and comprising three quarters of Koreatown’s residents, Korean-Latino relations are a socially and economically fundamental aspect of Los Angeles (Gap Min 2013).

Kogi BBQ also brings people together in public spaces, a rare occurrence in Los Angeles. As Mike Davis (1992) argues, the coming together of people has been heavily discouraged by city councils through the reduction and restriction of public spaces.

Unlike its food, however, Kogi does not appear to encourage the mixing of social or ethnic difference amongst its patrons. Rather, it draws in a relatively homogenous crowd who at a superficial level appear to be wealthy members of the city’s middle class. Thus following a visit to the notorious Kogi BBQ, I realised the aspect of Los Angeles it most clearly reflects is the city’s stark class divisions.

It is both Kogi’s prices and choice of locations that I believe both symbolise and encourage these divisions. With tacos costing $2.29 each and burritos starting at $6, Kogi does not offer an affordable alternative to other expensive Korean or Mexican eateries. It therefore only attracts a clientele with greater expendable incomes.

To match its customers, Kogi only frequents wealthier parts of the city (see map below) such as Oakwood, Westwood and Silverlake. It never ventures into poorer neighbourhoods such as Inglewood, Compton and Southgate, and is therefore unable to bridge social and ethnic gaps in the city like it does in its food.

Kogi BBQ's planned locations for the next week on a map of median household income in Los Angeles (Kogi 2016)

I find this particularly interesting considering a series of recent posts I wrote discussing how fortification, through a variety of mechanisms, divides people in Los Angeles. Food trucks like Kogi BBQ hold the potential to break down social barriers in Los Angeles by bringing people together to celebrate multi-ethnic culinary delights. However it seems they have had the reverse effect. Instead, trucks like Kogi have gentrified a sector of the food industry which once catered to the blue-collar workers of America’s industrial age. Rather than reflecting Los Angeles as it could be, Kogi BBQ is a startling reminder of Los Angeles as it is: characterised by exclusion and division.

References

Davis, M. (1992) City Of Quartz, London: Verso.

Gap Min, P. (2013) ‘Changes in Korean Immigrants’ Business Patterns’, in P. Gap Min (ed.) Koreans in North America: Their Experiences in the Twenty-First Century, Plymouth: Lexington Books, 57-74.

Kogi BBQ (2016) 'Schedule' (WWW), Los Angeles: Kogi BBQ (http://kogibbq.com; 4 April 2016).

Lempert, P. (2010) ‘Evolution: The Time for Food Trucks Has Arrived!’ (WWW), New York: Supermarket News (http://supermarketnews.com/blog/evolution-time-food-trucks-has-arrived; 3 April 2016).