Critiquing Mike Davis

Having made extensive reference to the work of Mike Davis in this blog, I realise I may come across as heavily sympathetic towards his views. This is not the case and, for the sake of balance, I feel it is important to briefly critique his work and contrast it with the views of some other urban theorists and activists.

Davis’ analysis of Los Angeles in his polemical City of Quartz has been described by Andy Merrifield (2002: 172) as ‘gloom-laden’ and ‘deeply pessimistic’. Immediately Davis’ use of quartz - a diamond-like mineral which sparkles in the sunshine but is also hard and cheap - as a scornful and subjective metaphor for the city warns readers not to take his work too literally. Throughout this piece Davis purely focusses on negative narratives of the city and, as Alan Hunsaker (1992: 506) points out, ‘provides no plan of action or short-term objectives to attack the identified problems’.

This leaves readers with a defeatist view towards the city and its future. It is therefore important to highlight that Davis’ analysis contrasts with the work of many other Marxist urbanists, for example Marshall Berman’s Adventures in Marxism which occasionally ‘spots the positive and empathises with the good little guys as much as raging against the evil big guys’ (Merrifield 2002: 170). Reyner Banham’s Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies also offers a far more positive view of the city as he examines the ways Angelenos from all communities relate to its four ‘ecologies’: the beaches, freeways, flatlands and foothills.

Davis’ account of Los Angeles as being fortified and deeply divided has also been undermined by the work of many social activists across the city. One such example, mentioned earlier in this blog, is the Great Wall of Los Angeles. This project not only aimed to raise awareness of the city’s diverse history, but also to bring people together from all communities in its creation and restoration. Since the wall's completion in 1976, 105 other murals have been painted around Los Angeles (SPARC 2016)*. This has brought people from all levels of society together to form a new, city-wide community that transcends traditional social barriers.

For his relentless attack on Los Angeles, Mike Davis has been dubbed an ‘anti-urban’, ‘overly apocalyptic’, ’city-hating socialist’ (Angotti 2006: 961; de Turenne 1998; Merrifield 2002: 171). However, in order to cultivate some positivity in his work and justify my frequent referencing of it, I turn to Hunsaker's (1992: 507) point that City of Quartz also challenges readers ‘to examine their own values and priorities with respect to Los Angeles and the future’. Like many geographers, I fall into temptation to write about the negative, rather than positive aspects of the city. Davis’ work has therefore encouraged me to scratch beneath the surface of this often superficial city, while also underpinning my arguments surrounding what I have found. However, as I hope this and some of my other articles have demonstrated, there is also much cause for optimism in this vibrant, if at times perplexing megalopolis.

*I encourage anyone to explore some of these beautiful pieces here.

References

Angotti, T. (2006) ‘Apocalyptic Anti-Urbanism: Mike Davis and his planet of slums’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 30, 4, 961.

Berman, M. (1999) Adventures in Marxism, London: Verso.

de Turenne, V. (1998) ‘Is Mike Davis' Los Angeles all in his head?’ (WWW), San Francisco: Salon (http://www.salon.com/1998/12/07/cov_07feature/; 17 April 2016).

Hunsaker, A. (1992) ‘Book reviews - City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles by Mike Davis’, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 14. 4, 502.

Merrifield, A. (2002) Metromarxism, New York: Routledge.

SPARC (2016) ‘Neighbourhood Pride’ (WWW), Los Angeles: Social and Public Art Resource Centre (http://sparcinla.org/neighborhood-pride/; 17 April 2016).

Fortification: the next chapter of The Great Wall of Los Angeles

My task for this term’s History M155 (History of Los Angeles) final paper has been to propose a new chapter for The Great Wall of Los Angeles. This chapter, like others that have come before, must represent a historical event, person or phenomenon that has reshaped the city. Drawing on my studies in urban geography, I proposed ‘fortification’. Coined by urban theorist and historian Mike Davis in his polemical 1992 City of Quartz, fortification captures the ‘militarisation of urban space’ in cities like Los Angeles (Davis 1992: 221).

In order to justify my proposal I discussed three processes occurring throughout the city. These were the emergence of gated enclave communities, the securitisation of space, and the use of fortress-like design in Los Angeles architecture. All of these have had a segregating effect in a city which, following civil insurrections such as the Watts Riots of 1965 and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots, no longer appears to encourage the mingling of people in public spaces.

This being a history class, I was required to use primary sources to reinforce my argument. The three sources I chose were an article published in a 1991 issue of the Los Angeles Times (McMillan 1991), the classifieds section of a 1990 issue of the Los Angeles Times (1990), and a photograph taken by Diego Cardoso (1992: 241).

The first of these sources helped to explain how and why gated enclave communities have emerged. It describes the $250,000 installation of eight electronic gates in Whitely Heights, thus demonstrating how neighbourhoods play an active role in sealing themselves off from the rest of the city. The action was justified by residents as a means of controlling ‘crime and traffic’ coming from the nearby Hollywood Bowl area. Leading to a 20% increase in property prices, the article also highlights how gates are more than a physical barrier as they keep lower income residents out.

I used the ‘classifieds’ section of the Los Angeles Times to show how, in 1990, spaces were becoming increasingly fortified through the use of private security services. This particular issue boasts 53 advertisements for private security, more than any other position being promoted in the paper. Beyond the number of advertisements was the impressive variety of services offered, ranging from ‘security guard’ to ‘armoured car crews’ and ‘experienced field supervisor’. Almost all posts offered some sort of ‘armed’ services. This clipping therefore points to the increase in securitisation and thus fortification of public and private space in Los Angeles.

A snippet from the Classifieds section of April 24, 1990 issue of the Los Angeles Times

Finally, a photograph taken by Diego Cardoso illustrates the extent to which architecture in Los Angeles has become a form of fortification. With Frank Gehry at the forefront of this design revolution, Cardoso’s photograph captures the fortress-like nature of Gehry’s Goldwyn Library. Defensively entitled ‘Dirty Harry’s Library’, the photograph depicts an introverted building with high gates, thick concrete walls and a sunken entrance. This impenetrable and unfriendly facade almost entirely resembles a fortress. This particular site is therefore a demonstrative case of fortification in Los Angeles.

'Dirty Harry's Library' by Diego Cardoso (1992)

There are many other aspects of fortification which, for the sake of brevity, I was unable to describe in this essay. It is also important to note that Davis' is not the only narrative of the city. Many other urban theorists and activists, such as Reyner Banham, have written more positively about Los Angeles' layout and its structures. However Davis' work lends itself well to studies that explore more negative aspects of the city's urban design.

References

Cardoso, D. (1992) ‘Dirty Harry’s Library’ in M. Davis City of Quartz, London: Verso, 241.

Davis, M. (1992) City Of Quartz, London: Verso.

McMillan, P. (1991) ‘Affluent Enclave Will Close Gates on the City Neighborhoods’, Los Angeles Times, February 19, 1991.

Los Angeles Times (1990) ‘Classifieds’, Los Angeles Times, April 24, 1990.

Art Review: The Great Wall of Los Angeles

Last week I visited The Great Wall of Los Angeles, formally known as The History of California. Located on the sunken wall of the Los Angeles River in Coldwater Canyon, this 840 meter public art project is one of the longest murals in the world (Rickey 1984). It was coordinated in 1976 by the Social and Public Art Resource Centre and UCLA’s Professor of Chicano Studies Judith Buca.

The Great Wall of Los Angeles

As suggested by the title, the piece illustrates the many chapters of history that have impacted and shaped Los Angeles as we know it today. Some events are local to Los Angeles, for example the 1984 Olympics and the 1962 Watts Riots. Others are national and global phenomena such as the baby boom, the space-race and the birth of rock and roll. However there is a particular focus on points of history affecting ethnic minorities and often repressed communities. Such examples include the 1871 Chinese massacre, the 1930-31 Mexican-American repatriation and the civil rights and gay movements.

The Wall itself is fantastic. While extremely informative, it also beautifully put together with each chapter flowing seamlessly into the next. Though not entirely chronological, it paints a cohesive and and intriguing story of the city’s past. I found this particularly interesting in conjunction with my M155 (History of Los Angeles) class.

The location is also noteworthy. Painted on a section of the Los Angeles River, the mural evokes a major aspect of the city’s past: the water wars of the early 21st century. This episode, leading to the river's creation, enabled the growth of the San Fernando Valley where the Wall is located.

I would deeply recommend the site to anyone visiting or living in Los Angeles.

References

Rickey, C. (1984) ‘The Writing on the Wall’, in J. Quirarte (ed.) Chicano Art History: A Book of Selected Readings, San Antonio: Research Center for the Arts and Humanities, 87-91.