Critiquing Mike Davis

Having made extensive reference to the work of Mike Davis in this blog, I realise I may come across as heavily sympathetic towards his views. This is not the case and, for the sake of balance, I feel it is important to briefly critique his work and contrast it with the views of some other urban theorists and activists.

Davis’ analysis of Los Angeles in his polemical City of Quartz has been described by Andy Merrifield (2002: 172) as ‘gloom-laden’ and ‘deeply pessimistic’. Immediately Davis’ use of quartz - a diamond-like mineral which sparkles in the sunshine but is also hard and cheap - as a scornful and subjective metaphor for the city warns readers not to take his work too literally. Throughout this piece Davis purely focusses on negative narratives of the city and, as Alan Hunsaker (1992: 506) points out, ‘provides no plan of action or short-term objectives to attack the identified problems’.

This leaves readers with a defeatist view towards the city and its future. It is therefore important to highlight that Davis’ analysis contrasts with the work of many other Marxist urbanists, for example Marshall Berman’s Adventures in Marxism which occasionally ‘spots the positive and empathises with the good little guys as much as raging against the evil big guys’ (Merrifield 2002: 170). Reyner Banham’s Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies also offers a far more positive view of the city as he examines the ways Angelenos from all communities relate to its four ‘ecologies’: the beaches, freeways, flatlands and foothills.

Davis’ account of Los Angeles as being fortified and deeply divided has also been undermined by the work of many social activists across the city. One such example, mentioned earlier in this blog, is the Great Wall of Los Angeles. This project not only aimed to raise awareness of the city’s diverse history, but also to bring people together from all communities in its creation and restoration. Since the wall's completion in 1976, 105 other murals have been painted around Los Angeles (SPARC 2016)*. This has brought people from all levels of society together to form a new, city-wide community that transcends traditional social barriers.

For his relentless attack on Los Angeles, Mike Davis has been dubbed an ‘anti-urban’, ‘overly apocalyptic’, ’city-hating socialist’ (Angotti 2006: 961; de Turenne 1998; Merrifield 2002: 171). However, in order to cultivate some positivity in his work and justify my frequent referencing of it, I turn to Hunsaker's (1992: 507) point that City of Quartz also challenges readers ‘to examine their own values and priorities with respect to Los Angeles and the future’. Like many geographers, I fall into temptation to write about the negative, rather than positive aspects of the city. Davis’ work has therefore encouraged me to scratch beneath the surface of this often superficial city, while also underpinning my arguments surrounding what I have found. However, as I hope this and some of my other articles have demonstrated, there is also much cause for optimism in this vibrant, if at times perplexing megalopolis.

*I encourage anyone to explore some of these beautiful pieces here.

References

Angotti, T. (2006) ‘Apocalyptic Anti-Urbanism: Mike Davis and his planet of slums’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 30, 4, 961.

Berman, M. (1999) Adventures in Marxism, London: Verso.

de Turenne, V. (1998) ‘Is Mike Davis' Los Angeles all in his head?’ (WWW), San Francisco: Salon (http://www.salon.com/1998/12/07/cov_07feature/; 17 April 2016).

Hunsaker, A. (1992) ‘Book reviews - City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles by Mike Davis’, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 14. 4, 502.

Merrifield, A. (2002) Metromarxism, New York: Routledge.

SPARC (2016) ‘Neighbourhood Pride’ (WWW), Los Angeles: Social and Public Art Resource Centre (http://sparcinla.org/neighborhood-pride/; 17 April 2016).

Fortification: the next chapter of The Great Wall of Los Angeles

My task for this term’s History M155 (History of Los Angeles) final paper has been to propose a new chapter for The Great Wall of Los Angeles. This chapter, like others that have come before, must represent a historical event, person or phenomenon that has reshaped the city. Drawing on my studies in urban geography, I proposed ‘fortification’. Coined by urban theorist and historian Mike Davis in his polemical 1992 City of Quartz, fortification captures the ‘militarisation of urban space’ in cities like Los Angeles (Davis 1992: 221).

In order to justify my proposal I discussed three processes occurring throughout the city. These were the emergence of gated enclave communities, the securitisation of space, and the use of fortress-like design in Los Angeles architecture. All of these have had a segregating effect in a city which, following civil insurrections such as the Watts Riots of 1965 and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots, no longer appears to encourage the mingling of people in public spaces.

This being a history class, I was required to use primary sources to reinforce my argument. The three sources I chose were an article published in a 1991 issue of the Los Angeles Times (McMillan 1991), the classifieds section of a 1990 issue of the Los Angeles Times (1990), and a photograph taken by Diego Cardoso (1992: 241).

The first of these sources helped to explain how and why gated enclave communities have emerged. It describes the $250,000 installation of eight electronic gates in Whitely Heights, thus demonstrating how neighbourhoods play an active role in sealing themselves off from the rest of the city. The action was justified by residents as a means of controlling ‘crime and traffic’ coming from the nearby Hollywood Bowl area. Leading to a 20% increase in property prices, the article also highlights how gates are more than a physical barrier as they keep lower income residents out.

I used the ‘classifieds’ section of the Los Angeles Times to show how, in 1990, spaces were becoming increasingly fortified through the use of private security services. This particular issue boasts 53 advertisements for private security, more than any other position being promoted in the paper. Beyond the number of advertisements was the impressive variety of services offered, ranging from ‘security guard’ to ‘armoured car crews’ and ‘experienced field supervisor’. Almost all posts offered some sort of ‘armed’ services. This clipping therefore points to the increase in securitisation and thus fortification of public and private space in Los Angeles.

A snippet from the Classifieds section of April 24, 1990 issue of the Los Angeles Times

Finally, a photograph taken by Diego Cardoso illustrates the extent to which architecture in Los Angeles has become a form of fortification. With Frank Gehry at the forefront of this design revolution, Cardoso’s photograph captures the fortress-like nature of Gehry’s Goldwyn Library. Defensively entitled ‘Dirty Harry’s Library’, the photograph depicts an introverted building with high gates, thick concrete walls and a sunken entrance. This impenetrable and unfriendly facade almost entirely resembles a fortress. This particular site is therefore a demonstrative case of fortification in Los Angeles.

'Dirty Harry's Library' by Diego Cardoso (1992)

There are many other aspects of fortification which, for the sake of brevity, I was unable to describe in this essay. It is also important to note that Davis' is not the only narrative of the city. Many other urban theorists and activists, such as Reyner Banham, have written more positively about Los Angeles' layout and its structures. However Davis' work lends itself well to studies that explore more negative aspects of the city's urban design.

References

Cardoso, D. (1992) ‘Dirty Harry’s Library’ in M. Davis City of Quartz, London: Verso, 241.

Davis, M. (1992) City Of Quartz, London: Verso.

McMillan, P. (1991) ‘Affluent Enclave Will Close Gates on the City Neighborhoods’, Los Angeles Times, February 19, 1991.

Los Angeles Times (1990) ‘Classifieds’, Los Angeles Times, April 24, 1990.

Cognitive mapping in Los Angeles

Following on from a post I wrote earlier this term, I have done a little more reading into how transport methods affect our knowledge of cities. In an article written for Access Magazine Mondschein et al. (2013) distinguish two general modes of travel. These are cognitively active, which includes walking or driving, and cognitively passive whereby someone is a passenger of a car or public transit.

They argue that cognitively active travellers are far more capable of generating mental maps of Los Angeles. This because the are constantly exercising their cognitive mapping abilities as they navigate through the city. This contrasts with cognitively passive travellers who do not engage as much with their routes or surroundings. This was demonstrated by cognitively active travellers being more able to estimate the distance between themselves and nearby locales. They were also more capable at describe the locations of their homes and workplaces using street names and intersections as opposed to local landmarks.

Cognitively passive travellers who focus on other things, such as texting or browsing the internet, create incomplete mental maps. They may therefore lose out on opportunities that ‘unknown’ parts of the city may offer. These include jobs, services or certain forms of recreation.

In line with my earlier post, Mondschein et al. (2013) argue that an active engagement with transport leads to a greater knowledge of cities. However we do not agree on everything. Namely while I believe that public transit facilitates the creation of better ‘mental maps’ of the city, they argue that such modes of transport are inhibitive of cognitive mapping. They instead argue that driving cars is more effective.

I can appreciate the reason for this argument. They suggest that while on a bus or tram, commuters pay no attention to what is around them. Inversely, they suggest that drivers are actively route planning and therefore more engaged with their surroundings.

However I believe that Mondschein et al. (2013) have ignored a key aspect of both modes of transport: the level of interaction with maps. As I previously argued, GPS systems used in cars limit a driver’s exposure of a city to their nearby surroundings. This prevents a more holistic, long-term understanding of the city. Users of public transport, on the other hand, are frequently exposed to maps of the whole city which I suggest is more conducive to effective mental mapping.

A map of Los Angeles' bus and rail systems

I would therefore be interested to conduct a slight variation on this research, focussing instead on how people's use of GPS affects their ability to cognitively map a city.

References

Mondschein, A., E. Blumenberg and B.D. Taylor (2013) ‘Going Mental: Everyday Travel and the Cognitive Map’, Access, 43: 2-7.